Attention! Deficit Disorder!

US Federal Deficit Stacked Bar Chart -- 2018 to 2027. Graphic by Farcaster. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
US Federal Deficit Stacked Bar Chart — 2018 to 2027. Graphic by Farcaster. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.

On March 28, US president Joe Biden unveiled his 2023 budget proposal. It totals $5.8 trillion, which would bring federal spending and deficits back below their pandemic-era heights (although not back to 2019 levels). Biden’s ask comes to nearly $18,000 for every man, woman, and child in America.

Oddly, The Hill reports, the White House’s big brag on the proposal is that it would  reduce the deficit by more than $1 trillion over the next ten years.

Usually when a politician pitches a plan to do something over the  course of a decade, I expect a bunch of rosy projections that won’t ever come to pass. It’s easy to make promises now and leave them to another president and other Congresses to keep.

This proposal doesn’t even bother with the rosy projections, though. Its  tables, which run through 2032, project higher, not lower, deficits. The 2023 deficit would come to $1.154 trillion, the 2032 deficit to $1.784 trillion. The cumulative projected deficit for the period 2023-2032 would increase the national debt to nearly half again its current total of $30 trillion.

Then again, perhaps those projections ARE rosy.  They assume ever-increasing federal revenues and spending, with no obstacles to the US government’s ability to borrow as much as it feels like borrowing. None of those are safe assumptions.

Of course, presidential budget proposals are just that — proposals. Since the 1920s, the president has been legally required to submit one to Congress each year. But Congress isn’t required to pass it. It’s always modified, and the modifications are almost always upward.

The problem is exacerbated by the US government’s “baseline budgeting” accounting method, under which the starting point for all spending is the current level and it’s assumed spending will increase from that level to account for inflation and population growth.

In other words, spending increases are automatic, while spending cuts (even cuts to the projected increases!) require explicit congressional action. And cuts to projected increases are always portrayed by their opponents as actual cuts in the fights over such action.

American politicians don’t fight to cut spending, borrowing, debt, or deficits. They just fight over how much to increase all four. They’re building a house of cards, and one day a stiff breeze will come along and blow that house — and them — over.

Could this be fixed? Well, maybe. A good start would entail two elements.

The first would be actually ending, not just promising to someday reduce, deficit spending. That is, plausibly estimate revenues and budget to spend less than those revenues.

The second would be to eliminate “baseline budgeting” and require every department to justify every dime it asks for every year.

Will that happen? Almost certainly not. The American political establishment’s deficit disorder is chronic, probably incurable, and eventually fatal.

Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter: @thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.

PUBLICATION HISTORY

Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” Bill Is Really About Politics, Not Sex

Palm Harbor University HS students protest the "Don't Say Gay" bill, which prohibits the discussion of sexual orientation and gender identity in classrooms. Photo by Ted Shackelford. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.
Palm Harbor University HS students protest the “Don’t Say Gay” bill, which prohibits the discussion of sexual orientation and gender identity in classrooms. Photo by Ted Shackelford. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license.

On March 28, Florida governor Ron DeSantis signed HB 1557 — the “Parental Rights in Education Bill” — into law.

Supporters say it is indeed about parental rights:  The right to know what their kids are being taught, and the right to be informed about matters pertaining to their kids’ “mental, emotional, or physical well-being.”

Opponents call it the “Don’t Say Gay Bill” and assert that its purpose is to terrorize members of the LGBTQ community working in public education by forbidding mention of their sexual orientations/gender identities, and to isolate LGBTQ students who may be afraid to come out to their parents and, under this law, to seek support and affirmation at school, lest they be outed.

Both sides are right. The  law does require parental access to student records, and notification of parents when school personnel address, or know of, issues related to a student’s “mental, emotional, or physical well-being.”

But it actual purpose is political.

Supporters use one snippet of the bill — “[c]lassroom instruction by school personnel or third parties on sexual orientation or gender identity may not occur in kindergarten through grade 3 …” — to claim that it’s just about sex education in the lower grades.

They leave out the following clause: “… or in a manner that is not age-appropriate or developmentally appropriate for students in accordance with state standards.”

Teachers rightfully fear that, say, casually mentioning their same-sex spouses might be deemed “age-inappropriate classroom instruction.” And LGBTQ students rightfully fear that teachers  will consider themselves legally required to out them.

What gives the bill  teeth is its enforcement mechanism: A parent may “[b]ring an action against the school district …. A court may award damages …”

It’s designed to encourage little Sally’s parents to sue the school district if Sally mentions that her teacher said he and his husband went to Italy over summer vacation. Or if Sally asks to be called Sam and wear “boy’s clothes,” and they suspect that she mentioned this in school and it wasn’t reported to them.

It’s designed, above all, to energize Republican voters and get them to the polls for Republican candidates.

During the pandemic, many schools shut down and went to “remote learning.” Parents looking on during Zoom classes noticed what and how their kids were being taught. Some of them didn’t like it.

The public education establishment reacted patronizingly, telling parents they were unqualified to have an opinion and should leave education to the “experts” (them). That dismissive attitude produced anger — as it should have.

Now Republicans are weaponizing that anger with bills like the “Parental Rights in Education Bill,”  tailored not just to the anger itself, but also to specific fears that they know will mobilize and energize their electoral base.

The “Don’t Say Gay Bill” is what we get when politics and education combine to produce a “wedge issue.” So long as education is politically funded and politically regulated, we’ll never lack for such issues.

The only way to get the culture wars out of education is to separate school and state.

Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter: @thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.

PUBLICATION HISTORY

The Ghost of the Mother of Trusts

Butler Library (Columbia University)
The architecture of Columbia University towers over its students and faculty but not their individual initiative. Public domain.

The 94th Academy Awards ceremony on March 27 saw misunderstanding erupt into an acrimonious conflict: The battle of the ghosts of Reitman, Reagan, Ramis, and Roosevelt.

Bill Murray paid tribute to the memory of Ghostbusters director Ivan Reitman, while the Academy also marked the 15th anniversary of Jason Reitman’s Juno. The junior Reitman recently directed a Ghostbusters sequel in which generations joined forces to commemorate Murray’s departed fellow Ghostbuster Harold Ramis.

Meanwhile, four Oscar nominations yielded zero wins for Don’t Look Up, in which the world is endangered rather than saved by private enterprise out-muscling the state during a crisis.  The parallels between its villains and the Ghostbusters is no coincidence, since co-writer David Sirota’s book Back to Our Future is admittedly inspired by what the Bernie Sanders speechwriter considers a nefarious undermining of trust in government by such 1980s heroes.

Sirota views American popular culture as so dominated by Reagan-era renegades that citizens are blinded to the beneficence of public service.  Yet partisans on both sides of the aisle were happy to seize on the iconography of “busting” ever since Ghostbusters ruled the 1984 box office.  That year’s presidential election featured dueling “Fritzbusters” and “Reaganbusters” takeoffs on the iconic anti-ghost logo. Each advocated the other candidate as a substitute rather than a downsizing of the presidential power available to either.

Ghostbusters imagery has even been retrofitted to previous administrations, with the 1990s educational TV show Histeria! providing trustbuster Theodore Roosevelt with an off-brand proton pack to blast corporate piggery.  The overpowering of Main Street by Wall Street is treated as a natural result of market consolidation, as if Reagan’s chimpanzee costar Bonzo matured into King Kong.

Gabriel Kolko observed that the Progressive Era was in fact marked by “intense and growing competition” outpacing the “economic expansion and … greater internal concentration of capital” of the largest companies, whose owners welcomed regulation burdening smaller upstarts more than themselves. Free traders of the time called protectionist policy that sheltered domestic firms from foreign competitors “the mother of trusts.”

Kolko led a generation of historians to rediscover how supposed archenemies big business and big government actively encouraged the development of each other, as if Beowulf monsters Grendel and Grendel’s mother reproduced in a continuous chicken-and-egg cycle.  Severing the apron strings that connect the two would cut both Walter Peck-style bureaucracy and Gordon Gekko-style plutocracy down to size.

New Yorker Joel Schlosberg is a senior news analyst at The William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism.

PUBLICATION/CITATION HISTORY

  1. “The ghost of the mother of trusts” by Joel Schlosberg, Miles CIty, Montana Star, March 31, 2022
  2. “The Ghost of the Mother of Trusts” by Joel Schlosberg, CounterPunch, April 1, 2022
  3. “The ghost of the mother of trusts” by Joel Schlosberg, The Daily Star [Hammond, Louisiana], April 2, 2022
  4. “The Ghost Of The Mother Of Trusts” by Joel Schlosberg, Ventura County, California Citizens Journal, April 2, 2022