Westminister College’s photo of the Bedtime for Bonzo star revisiting its academic setting while not calling for rebuilding the Berlin Wall. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license.
As Americans take August to process the presidential race upheavals of July, the most consequential may prove to be a union leader garnering wild cheers for declaring that “the biggest recipients of welfare in this country are corporations … we must put workers first!”
In the twentieth century, such campaign rhetoric was heard of only at the margins from the likes of Ralph Nader and Eugene Debs, not from any respectable Democrat, let alone a featured speaker at the Republican National Convention. Yet Teamsters president Sean O’Brien draws on enough mainstream discontent to position himself as a counter to “the extremes in both parties,” less than a year after conservatives united against actors’ and teachers’ union strikes.
They’re still a long way from warming to those professions. Another 2024 RNC big shot may have been dubbed “Hollywood” Hulk Hogan, but the lead of the Jordan Belfort-produced turkey Santa With Muscles lacks the star power of Batman and Robin‘s George Clooney.
Meanwhile, when Trump’s running mate JD Vance got the nod from O’Brien for having “the courage to sit down and consider points of view that aren’t funded by big money think tanks,” he wasn’t talking about what Vance learned at Yale. Republicans are as reluctant to laud their candidate’s choice to complete college as Democrats are to take Kamala Harris to task for not speaking out against early 2020s class closures after having been heavy-handed as a prosecutor on kids who skipped school.
An earlier Democratic nominee was distinctly less enthusiastic about imposing educational choices. In a 1988 introduction to John Holt’s How Children Fail, George McGovern noted that he had read the original edition during his 1972 bid and that “a visit to schools in any part of the nation will reveal the same uninspired children and lack of attention to what is being taught of which John Holt wrote.” Given such a status quo, “there is nothing lost and much to be gained in encouraging children to follow their own curiosity about life and to build on their own personal interests.”
The Cato Institute which exemplifies “big money think tanks” for liberals (while getting lip service from big-spending conservatives) reached leftward in 1977 with a denunciation of “schools that promise equal enlightenment [but] generate unequally degrading meritocracy and lifelong dependence on further tutorship” by Ivan Illich in the first issue of Inquiry magazine. They succeeded in getting Anthony Burgess and Noam Chomsky to write for later issues.
In The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan, historian Rick Perlstein sees a Reagan “obsessed with preserving the factory system” as his own stardom faded, quipping that “the future champion of individualism and entrepreneurship despised the new, more individualistic, entrepreneurial Hollywood.” Such values, fully compatible with free association, can usher teachers’ unions into an educational environment as far from the longstanding model of a factory-like assembly line as today’s unionized filmmakers are from the dream factory studios of yore — with comparable paydays above scale for popular talent.
New Yorker Joel Schlosberg is a senior news analyst at The William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism.
On July 31, retired brigadier general Susan K. Escallier signed a pretrial agreement under which Walid Muhammad Salih Mubarak bin Attash, and Mustafa Ahmed Adam al-Hawsawi would have pleaded guilty to various roles in the terror attacks of 9/11 in return for sentences of life imprisonment rather than the death penalty. On August 1, bending to outrage (real and feigned) over the matter, US defense secretary Lloyd Austin revoked the deal.
The case may seem unrelated to last month’s US Supreme Court ruling in Trump v. United States, granting presidential immunity for “official acts” — an immunity manufactured from whole cloth in contradiction to both the plain text of the US Constitution and the entire history of American jurisprudence. The two stories however, are of a piece.
The three defendants have spent their last two decades in US custody at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. If they’d been charged and tried as ordinary criminals in federal court, they’d have almost certainly found themselves quickly convicted, shortly thereafter sentenced to death, and long since dead, like Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh (about six years from crime to execution).
That’s not a comment on their guilt or innocence; it’s just recognition that finding a jury which WOULDN’T convict them and recommend a sentence of death would have been extraordinarily unlikely given the climate of the time.
But former president George W. Bush just wasn’t having any of this Constitution stuff. Whether or not he actually called the Supreme Law of the Land “just a goddamned piece of paper,” as a later retracted article claimed, he certainly treated it that way.
The US government, under Bush and with the cooperation of Congress and, in parts, the Supreme Court, simply seized power to declare people “unlawful enemy combatants,” try them via military tribunal instead of the constitutionally required court/jury system — if it tried them at all instead of just having them murdered, as Barack Obama and Donald Trump later did — all while holding them indefinitely in violation of the Constitution’s “speedy public trial” requirements and torturing them in violation of its “cruel and unusual punishment” prohibition (as well as international law).
Let me say this again by way of emphasis, because it’s important:
If the constitutional requirements had been followed, Walid Muhammad Salih Mubarak bin Attash, and Mustafa Ahmed Adam al-Hawsawi would almost certainly have been killed by lethal injection years ago.
The way these three alleged terrorist masterminds were treated wasn’t about achieving justice.
It wasn’t about “winning the war on terror.”
It wasn’t about preventing future attacks.
It was about implementing George W. Bush’s kingly view of presidential power: “I’m the decider, and I decide what’s best.”
The SCOTUS ruling on presidential immunity in Trump’s case affirmed that claim, ensuring that neither Bush nor his predecessors or successors need ever fear they’ll face justice — even the kind of justice denied Walid Muhammad Salih Mubarak bin Attash, and Mustafa Ahmed Adam al-Hawsawi — and that their victims will never RECEIVE justice for crimes committed against them by modern American monarchs.
Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter:@thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.
Wow, that’s a really, really big number — big enough that it deserves my exploitation of it as the entire opening paragraph of this column.
OK, so add “dollars” after that really, really big number if you must, or put a dollar sign before it, as in “on July 26, the US national debt pass the $35 trillion mark.”
That feels like a real milestone — around $7 trillion more than last year’s Gross Domestic Product, which supposedly represents the value of all goods and services produced in the US — but it didn’t generate nearly as much panicked media notice as I’d expected it to.
Maybe the American press is a bit distracted by the weirdest presidential campaign season in decades (and that’s saying something!).
Or maybe the national debt has just grown so large, and its growth accelerated to such speeds, that it’s become the usual and really only merits the “footnote and yawn” treatment these days.
I’m old enough to remember when American politicians engaged in vigorous public hand-wringing about their debt (all the while, of course, pretending it was YOUR debt), occasionally even tinkering with tiny spending cuts or not so tiny tax hikes to “do something” about it.
Those days are long gone. “If we don’t raise the debt ceiling and borrow more money, the world will end!” is the new “if we don’t stop spending more than we bring in, we’re screwed!” Perhaps that’s because the politicians kept spending more than they brought in until the screwing became inevitable.
Personally, I think they’ve taken an often misinterpreted quote from a long-dead economist to heart and turned it into their plan of action.
“The long run is a misleading guide to current affairs,” John Maynard Keynes wrote in 1923. “In the long run we are all dead.”
Keynes meant that as a call for vigorous short-term economic action on the part of government in times of crisis, as opposed to waiting for the ship to right itself over a longer time frame.
Today’s politicians treat it instead as permission to spend like drunken sailors on shore leave and hope they’re dead — or at least retired — before the bills come due and the ship goes down.
And, make no mistake, it WILL go down. The politicians will eventually default on their debt, either openly or with accounting tricks … and do their damnedest to stick you with most of the negative consequences.
Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter:@thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.
