Contempt for “the Science,” Nancy Pelosi Edition

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) signing the American Rescue Plan Act. Photo by Senate Democrats.  Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license.
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) signing the American Rescue Plan Act. Photo by Senate Democrats. Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license.

On April 14, the US Centers for Disease Control issued new guidance for Americans who’ve grabbed their jabs. It’s safe, CDC says, for those fully vaccinated against COVID-19 to  “resume activities without wearing a mask or physically distancing.”

Outdoors. Indoors. Whether everyone present is vaccinated or not. Vaccinated? You’re good to go.

That, presumably, is the science part. The political part is “except where required by federal, state, local, tribal, or territorial laws, rules, and regulations, including local business and workplace guidance.”

Oh, and in the US House of Representatives.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), in her infinite wisdom, hath decreed (through Rear Admiral Brian P. Monahan, US Navy, Attending Physician of the United States Congress and the United States Supreme Court ) that the mask mandate will continue in force on the House floor “until all Members and floor staff are fully vaccinated.”

Last September, Pelosi issued a press release announcing that “we need science, not politics. … The American people need to hear directly from the scientists about how the virus spreads and what precautions are necessary.”

Last October, Pelosi insisted in another press release that “it has always been imperative that we follow the science.”

Last November, Pelosi told NPR’s Ari Shapiro that “the [Trump] Administration has refused to follow the science. They have contempt for science …”

But now that “the science” isn’t saying what she wants it to say, as it’s been energetically massaged to do for more than a year now, she’s got a sudden case of said contempt herself. What’s up with that?

“It’s about control,” says House Minority Whip Steve Scalise (R-LA). “She wants to control the House” (as if he doesn’t).

Scalise is right, but he’s not thinking big enough. Pelosi doesn’t just want to control the House. She wants to, along with her party, run the country (and for that matter the world).

The COVID-19 pandemic represented opportunity knocking.

Opportunity  to throw previously unthinkable sums of money at key Democratic constituencies and major Democratic policy priorities.

Opportunity for her fellow Democrats in state governments to seize previously unthinkable powers in the name of “public health,” no matter how specious the justifications.

Opportunity to rule without limits.

It’s easy to see why she’s unwilling to stand aside as that opportunity slips away, why she’s frantically grasping at its remnants.

It was never really about “the science” for Nancy Pelosi. She’s just stopped pretending, that’s all.

Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter: @thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.

PUBLICATION/CITATION HISTORY

Peace in Palestine? Not if American Politicians Can Help It

Israeli airstrike on Gaza, May 2021. Screenshot from Voice of America video (public domain).
Israeli airstrike on Gaza, May 2021. Screenshot from Voice of America video (public domain).

On April 22, more than 300 American lawmakers publicly pledged their unconditional loyalty to a foreign power.

In a letter to the chair and ranking member of the House Appropriations Committee, the members of Congress cautioned against “reducing funding or adding conditions on” US welfare checks (totaling $3.8 billion annually) to Israel.

The letter name-checks US President Joe Biden, who, nearly a year ago tried to have it both ways — decrying Israeli annexation of Palestinian land and the eviction of Palestinian residents to make room for Israeli squatters (“settlers”), while likewise volubly assuring Jewish campaign donors,  “I’m not going to place conditions on security assistance.”

Now Biden and members of Congress from both sides of the partisan aisle feign surprise and dismay as the Israeli regime once again makes war on the populations of the Israeli-occupied West Bank and the Israeli-blockaded Gaza Strip.

What the heck did they expect?

I’m not going to litigate the Israeli-Arab conflict in Palestine here. If that’s what you’re after, there are enough books by apologists for both sides to fill a sizable library. My point is far more narrow: Incentives matter.

Even leaving aside the question of what fate might befall a member of Congress who publicly pledged fealty to Vladimir Putin or Xi Jinping instead of to Benjamin Netanyahu, actions have consequences.

The math isn’t that difficult: If I hand my kid a wad of cash and say “please don’t spend this on booze and brass knuckles, but if you do, well, that’s okay, and there’s more where that came from,” I shouldn’t be shocked when I get a midnight phone call concerning bail.

There are many good reasons why US aid to Israel shouldn’t be premised on conditions, but rather cut off entirely. Among them is that US it’s illegal under the 1976 Symington Amendment, which forbids aid to rogue nuclear regimes.

Unfortunately, there are also many political reasons (among them votes, campaign donations, and a brutally effective public relations apparatus) why cutting off aid to Israel is a third rail that few politicians dare touch.

It’s probably expecting too much of American politicians to suggest that they grow spines and stand up to the Israel lobby, or that voters send those who decline to do so back to the private sector. And that means Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews alike will continue to pay in blood for a conflict that American aid subsidizes and rewards.

Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter: @thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.

PUBLICATION/CITATION HISTORY

Fossil Fuels vs. Renewables: ALL Forms of Energy are “Intermittent”

Oil well fires rage outside Kuwait City in the aftermath of Operation Desert Storm. Photo by Tech. Sgt. David McLeod. Public Domain.
Oil well fires rage outside Kuwait City in the aftermath of Operation Desert Storm. Photo by Tech. Sgt. David McLeod. Public Domain.

On May 8, my wife and I pulled into a local gas station and filled the family car’s tank. It wasn’t intended as a smart move, nor did it result from a premonition. It was just dumb luck. Within 24 hours, we were driving past gas stations with yellow plastic bags over the pump handles and “no gas” signs at the lot entrances.

On May 7 — although they didn’t bother to tell us until a day later —  Colonial Pipeline shut down 5,500 miles of pipeline, which normally carries almost half the gas sold on the US east coast,  due to a cyberattack. On the evening of May 9, to take the edge off, the Biden administration declared an emergency covering 17 states, lifting restrictions on delivering gasoline by truck. No word on when the pipeline will resume operation.

For the last few years, as the price of electricity produced by sunlight and wind power has continued to drop, fossil fuel flacks have insistently informed us that the problem with solar and wind power are that they’re “intermittent and incapable of meeting our needs” (as Ron Stein puts it in Natural Gas Now, an online publication put out by, surprise, the natural gas lobby).

Well, they’re right to a degree: The sun only shines so many hours a day, and we can have cloudy days; the wind isn’t always blowing at sufficient speeds to turn turbines.

What we really need, they say, is reliable old coal, oil, and natural gas.

The fossil fuel advocates either ignore or minimize the progress of  a third technology: Large battery storage capacity.  We’re getting better and better at generating the electricity when conditions are good, then delivering that electricity to your home (or from a home battery rig) when it’s needed.

Another thing the fossil fuel advocates ignore is just how vulnerable fossil fuels are to intermittency due to long and not always reliable supply chains. Pipeline or drilling rig accidents or attacks. Labor conflicts. Derailed trains or wrecked trucks. Suez Canal blockages. Wars, or warlike political embargoes or blockades.

“Intermittency” isn’t the only complaint we hear from the fossil fuel lobby, of course. They also like to complain about government subsidies to renewable energy sources like wind and solar.

I’m with them on that. But  the thing is, they’re not with themselves on that.

Fossil fuels are by far the most government-subsidized energy form on Earth — everything from “steal that land via eminent domain so we can run a pipeline over it,” to “hey, could you pretty please send the US Navy out to secure our tanker routes, take out a competitor, or scare a stubborn supplier?”

Then they throw a hissy if a renewable energy competitor gets special tax treatment on a new solar panel factory.

Coal, oil,  maybe even natural gas are on their way out, even with the massive subsidies they’ve enjoyed for more than a century. Withdraw the subsidies — all of them, to everyone — and the market will likely make even shorter work of fossil fuels.

Thomas L. Knapp (Twitter: @thomaslknapp) is director and senior news analyst at the William Lloyd Garrison Center for Libertarian Advocacy Journalism (thegarrisoncenter.org). He lives and works in north central Florida.

PUBLICATION/CITATION HISTORY